Thursday, June 30, 2011

Libyan Rebels Are NATO Patsies For A New Great Game In Africa

Today: UK PM Cameron with Mustafa Abdul Jalil,
head of rebel TNC & former Gaddafi Justice Minister
In the first days following the pro-democracy demonstrations and then uprising in Libya, it would have taken a hard heart indeed to not support the revolt. While Muammar Gaddafi might once, in distant memory, have been able to claim some sort of fidelity to anti-imperialism and to the social development of Libya, those days were long gone. His regime was now taking money from Europe to act as its southern gendarme against illegal African immigration to Europe and was an enthusiastic partner in the War on Terror. It's no accident that arch-war monger, former British PM Tony Blair, was announced by Gaddafi's son to be a $1 million+ per year consultant to the regime. The domestic economic policies of the regime were increasingly neo-liberal and his son - and likely heir to the leadership of Libya - Saif al-Islam was the Libyan version of Gamal Mubarak - a designer suit wearing playboy and enthusiastic privatizer. The Libya regime was now just one more western supported petro-dictatorship in the Arab world.

What's more, that revolt was obviously part of the wave of revolts sweeping the Arab world and that had already toppled Ben Ali in Tunisia and Mubarak in Egypt. In Bahrain it looked like the pro-democracy movement was on the verge of victory. In Yemen it was well on its way. There were even stirrings in Syria and large protests in Iraq.

But things have changed a lot in the last four months.

The revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia continue to deepen, with strike waves and the explosive growth of independent unions in Egypt. In Syria, the revolt against Assad continues unabated and, impossibly, grows even in the face of terrible repression. In Yemen, President Salah clings to power - though for what reason is unclear since all but his family have abandoned him - driving the country to the brink of civil war. In Bahrain, with US blessing, the Saudi military helped to crush the pro-democracy movement in a wave of repression and purges that continues.

And in Libya we've passed the 100 day mark since NATO started it's "humanitarian bombing" mission to "protect civilians." What has become clear is that while the revolt was rooted in the real and legitimate discontent of the Libyan people, that movement was quickly corralled and contained by forces with another agenda. Opportunists from the Libyan regime, senior figures who had happily gone along with the torture and repression of dissidents, suddenly "joined" the movement, forming the Transitional National Council. The popular elements, including the local committees that sprang up in the heat of the revolt were pushed aside. The struggle against the Gaddafi regime was transformed from a social struggle against a repressive neo-liberal dictatorship, to a military struggle between two factions of the regime.

Yesterday: Former UK PM Tony Blair with Gaddafi
No longer was it about an uprising and about winning rank and file soldiers to support the revolt and break with Gaddafi - a pattern that marked the early stages of the revolt. It now became about defeating Gaddafi-controlled troops in a military contest in order to elevate the former regime figures to the leadership - with policies that differed little from Saif the "reformer". But Gaddafi and his allies still controlled two-thirds of the country geographically, a significant amount of popular support and two-thirds of the state infrastructure, meaning that the former regime figures were outgunned and outmanned. With no apparent political strategy to deepen the revolt, they ended up in the arms of NATO, begging for the alliance's military support.

But the support of NATO, Europe and the USA comes at a heavy price. That price is clear - the first thing that was demanded of the TNC was that they agree to respect the oil contracts signed by the Gaddafi regime, including its terms. It is also likely that it will mean accepting a US base on Libyan soil - the US African Command (Africom) has been refused by every African country and so is stationed in Germany. This is a strategically important beach-head for the Americans, who feel increasingly squeezed by the Chinese, who are making substantial inroads into Africa - ironically, by spending money on infrastructure that was accumulated by selling Chinese goods to America and Europe (paid for with debt that is held by the Chinese). Prior to the revolt against Gaddafi, there were more than 30,000 Chinese workers and specialists in Libya attached to the sizeable Chinese oil investments. An article in The Globe & Mail last November gives a flavour of China's push into Africa:
On Monday, Chinese Vice-President Xi Jinping finished a two-day visit to Botswana in which he signed financing deals worth millions in infrastructure and energy development. Two days earlier, he’d made major deals in oil-rich Angola. On Wednesday in Ethiopia, Chinese private and state investors opened a $27-million leather-goods factory that will employ 500 Ethiopians; the same investment fund is also building cement plants and an airport hotel nearby. On Thursday, Sudan, which imports 80 per cent of its food, announced plans to quintuple its current wheat cultivation with backing from Chinese and Persian Gulf investors, increasing its acres under cultivation by 25 per cent a year for a decade.

And this is not an atypical week. The Chinese claim to have more than $1.5-billion invested in Africa now, up from $210-million; they employ at least 300,000 Africans in their own countries (and, increasingly, import African workers to the cities of the Pearl River Delta) and have built 60,000 kilometres of roads and 3.5 million kilowatts worth of power stations there – far more than any other country. Last year, China replaced the United States as the largest trading partner of South Africa, the continent’s biggest economy, and annual China-Africa trade topped $100-billion for the first time this year.
Russian interests are also under threat in the region as the US, UK and the EU jockey to make the maximum gains from the upheaval of the Arab Spring. It's no surprise that Russia has opposed intervention, not from any principled anti-imperialism - as the Chechnyans and Georgians could attest - but rather out of the fear of losing their toehold in the region, mediated through America's enemies (i.e. those countries whose policies aren't subordinate to America's interests) like Syria and Iran.

What is going on in Libya now must be seen in this light - as a hijacked revolution that now plays its part in a new Great Game between imperial powers jockeying for position in Africa and the Middle East, primarily China and Russia vs NATO & the USA. Not only is this game a dangerous one that could exacerbate tensions between the imperial powers, none of whom is likely to look kindly on the loss of infrastructure and capital investments, strategic relationships, etc. It is also a threat to the whole process of democratic revolution throughout the Arab world.

On the other hand, if NATO loses in Libya, it will be a massive blow to the ability of the alliance to project power beyond Europe's borders. The recent criticisms by outgoing US Defence Chief Gates makes clear that there are already tensions and frustrations within the alliance as a result of the unwinnable NATO war in Afghanistan. Defeat in Libya will be another nail in the coffin of one of the pre-eminent tools of the United States to spread its empire, alongside its junior European partner. It will also be a defeat for the Gulf Cooperation Council, led by the repressive Saudi regime, who have thrown in their lot with the emerging project to use the upheaval to reconfigure relations in the region - defeating thorns in the side like Syria's Assad (who is a Shi'ite and who supports Hezbollah, a Shi'ite movement) and the bombastic Gaddafi, who has offended the Gulf emirs more than once with his anti-colonial rhetoric.

Chances are there will be no "good" solution forthcoming in the short-term. Probably NATO will attempt to save face by declaring a limited victory via establishing the partition of Libya between Cyrenaica in the east and Tripolitania in the west. Cyrenaica will, of course, be a NATO client regime "protected" by the permanent presence of NATO/US troops and military forces. A victory by Gaddafi is also unlikely to bring democracy to the Libyan people. The real hope lies with the further deepening of the Tunisian revolution on Libya's western border and the Egyptian revolution on the eastern border.

In the meantime, the best bad outcome is for a defeat for NATO, which is a much bigger threat to world peace and democracy than Gaddafi has ever been. NATO is waging war in Afghanistan, to guarantee a strategic advantage against China on its western border and to encircle Iran to the west of Afghanistan. NATO countries led the war against Iraq - predominantly the US and UK, of course. The UK was the first country to rush into the Middle East after the Egyptian revolution to hawk more weapons to frightened dictatorships. The US, of course, is deployed in more than 150 countries around the world. The Libyans, at present, are not deployed anywhere outside of Libya and under Gaddafi were involved in or initiated three wars since 1977 - two of those were ostensibly anti-colonial: against a French neo-colonial regime in Chad and the other a protest against the Egyptian dictatorship's peace treaty with Israel. This is not at all to justify Libyan military interventions - let alone its corrupt and oppressive social and economic policies - but to make clear that Gaddafi's regime are not even in the same league as the US/NATO and, with a population of 6 million, can't even be described as a regional imperialist country.

France confirms arming Libyan rebels - Africa - Al Jazeera English

14 comments :

meltr said...

Wow excellent analysis and summary of this whole quagmire. Thanks.

Shawn Whitney said...

thanks, meltr. It's a mess alright. To be honest, I was concerned putting this up that I would start getting outraged e-mails that I wasn't supporting the "revolution" but I think that activists and leftists are largely losing a taste for the debacle in Libya and see how compromised is the revolution at this point. Of course, it might also be because I chose to post it right before a holiday weekend. :)

meltr said...

Well you got "Todd" over at LP's, but you're routing him handily.

Shawn Whitney said...

Well, Todd is all bluster and ad hominem. Not much of substance in what he has argued thus far.

Todd said...

>tsk!<

Talking about me behind my back. Now that's not nice . . . .

I'm amazed that you're able to call Gaddafi a dictator here but not over at UM. Strange behaviour . . . .

Shawn Whitney said...

I would suggest that the problem is, rather, your inability to read what I wrote. I've not defended Gaddafi anywhere. I am entirely consistent.

Todd said...

I'm not saying you did.

But you did have a serious problem calling him a dictator over there.

As for here:

"Chances are there will be no 'good' solution forthcoming in the short-term."

Yup.

"A victory by Gaddafi is also unlikely to bring democracy to the Libyan people."

Damn! You lost it.

It's not that it's "unlikely to bring democracy"; it's that it _will_ result in the murderous suppression of the eastern half of the country and Gaddafi will _still_ be untouchable by Libyans' political desires.

But that's cool. Because NATO will have been defeated, and your essentialist hang-up will have been confirmed.

Nothing else but you matters after all, eh?

Shawn Whitney said...

I don't have a problem calling him a dictator anywhere. But analysis isn't like reciting a rosary. I don't need to refer to him as "the dictator Gaddafi" every time I use his name, any more than I refer to Obama as "the imperialist president Obama" every time I use his name. That's just some silly test that you've created in a fairly pathetic attempt to score points since you cannot meet the most basic criteria for providing evidence to back up your assertion - against wide ranging historical and contemporary evidence - that NATO has no interest in bringing democracy, is not equipped to bring democracy, has never brought democracy anywhere they have intervened, regardless of whether they said they were or not. Your demands are nothing more than the hand waving of a pro-war bully.

As for what will happen if Gaddafi remains or doesn't remain - you seem to think that NATO cares, in the end, whether Gaddafi goes - other than as a face-saving measure for an intervention that is rapidly swirling down the toilet. There is a greater than average chance that NATO will simply impose partition upon Libya - leaving Gaddafi in place in the west. Whether Gaddafi is deposed or not is entirely dependent - as it was in Serbia with Milosevic - upon the ability of ordinary people to overthrow him. And that is as possible in Libya as it was next door in Tunisia, or with Libya's other neighbour Egypt - or any of the other US backed despotisms throughout the region.

And your pose as being the only one who cares about the long-suffering Libyans, while anyone who opposes the war against Libya is supposedly only interested in abstract principles is just a dishonest jerk-off. It may satisfy your ego but to anyone watching it provides mild amusement at best and, more likely, disgust.

NATO's "humanitarian" bombs have already killed dozens of civilians in Libya - not to mention the conscripts in the Libyan army (that'll teach them to not revolt against their master - oh, wait, the Libyans needs to be liberated because they can't do it themselves. Oh, jeez, what a conundrum - should we kill them by the boatload to liberate them?). The people of Tripoli now have to cower not just from Gaddafi's secret police but from the ordnance of their supposed liberators.

christian h. said...

OT: Hi Shawn, do you have an email where you can be reached, or could you email me? I'm spending some time in the Toronto area (London) and was hoping to get into contact with Palestine solidarity activists here to share experiences (we're certainly much weaker in L.A....).

Shawn Whitney said...

tried to e-mail your ucla address but it bounced back with "No MX or A records for math.ucla.du"

anyway, drop me a line at shawnwhitney at rogers dot com and I'll resend my e-mail.

Todd said...

"That's just some silly test that you've created in a fairly pathetic attempt to score points "

Actually, no. Pro-Gaddfi leftists also have a habit of not calling him a dictator anywhere. I'm sure you can understand the confusion. (Then again . . . .)

"NATO has no interest in bringing democracy, is not equipped to bring democracy, has never brought democracy anywhere they have intervened"

Yes, NATO isn't interested in bringing democracy anywhere. That being said, it happens, poor democracies though they are.

"you seem to think that NATO cares, in the end, whether Gaddafi goes"

I find it amazing all this stuff you find in the simple assertion that getting rid of a dictator is a progressive step. But you just can't seem to wrap your head around the fact that the world doesn't always fit into your little manichean universe.

No, I don't think NATO cares about Gaddafi going; I think it cares about saving face for its masters. And if it gets rid of a dictator along the way, it won't really notice. But unless it sets up something that once again prevents the Libyan people from removing unpopular leaders from power, it will have done something progressive in spite of itself.

"your pose as being the only one who cares about the long-suffering Libyans"

Really? You got all that from my statement about the idiocy of Canadian leftists (at least on this matter)? And here I thought it was all just about my anger at their love of rote-thinking and essentialist categories.

Shawn Whitney said...

There's no "rote thinking" or "essentialist categories" involved - it's called basing one's analysis on historical experience rather than wishful thinking.

Todd said...

Considering what you just wrote about NATO and democracy in Iraq and Afghanistan as opposed to what they had before, I wouldn't be so dismissive of either of those characterizations.

I don't consider it "wishful thinking" simply to acknowledge that where once there were bourgeois dictatorships, now there aren't. The democracies that are there are _far_ more repressive and openly used by the wealthy than anything we've seen here. But workers and peasants there now have _some_ say about who is going to be their leader.

Shawn Whitney said...

First off, the dictatorships that existed prior to the present regimes were the result of western imperialism.
The Taliban, which replaced the mujahideen/warlord dictatorship, grew like the warlords out of the Islamist dominated refugee camps in Pakistan. Those camps were Islamist dominated because the Americans both directly and through their Saudi intermediaries, ensured that weapons to fight the Soviets only went to pro-Wahabbi and/or deeply conservative Islamist parties. And the regime that exists in Afghanistan now is simply the warlords put back into power. The phoney elections are exactly that - a front for western media outlets while in fact the whole political structure is sewn up in backroom dealing involving the various players. In the north the only reason that there hasn't been more resistance is precisely because it is not a democracy. In the south, it is the weakness of the phoney client regime in Kabul that allows the space to exist for open resistance to be expressed through the Taliban but also through locally controlled militias. Meanwhile, where the state does exist, it engages in torture, denies women their rights as much as did the Taliban, subsides on drug money and provides no rights.
The same basic story applies to Iraq - Saddam was able to stay in power first because the Americans armed him heavily at a crucial moment after his coup. They encouraged him to use those weapons to attack Iran and turned a blind eye when he used them to slaughter the Kurds. They allowed him to crush the Shia in the south in 1991 after telling them to rise up. The Saddam dictatorship existed as long as it did precisely because of US imperialism.
So, you think that now they are going to put into place a system that is more amenable, more open? Perhaps economically. But SCIRI now run their own secret police, which use the same torture techniques against their Sunni opponents as were once used against them. Independent unions are banned, oppositionists shot in the streets. The Kurdish leadership also gleefully shoots down Kurds who dare to protest in the north. And, on top of this, the economy has to recover from devastating sanctions followed by devastating bombings and an invasion that may have caused in excess of a million deaths and the largest refugee problem in the Middle East since the Nakba.
In other words the reason why there was no democracy for so long was precisely the role of the US and its NATO allies - and, of course, Russia/USSR in places like Syria. Their invasion of places like Libya is never about democracy and is precisely about real politick - directing development in directions beneficial to imperialist domination. In Libya, it is about establishing a deeper penetration into Africa at a time when the US/Europe are losing ground to China and, on the other hand, to steering the Arab Spring into containable directions. The involvement of NATO in the Libyan revolution has had the effect of DRAINING the revolution of its democratic content. Remember that the first concession that they forced from the rebels was that they would honour Gaddafi's too-generous oil contracts. Those won't be the last. This is neither democracy or "greater room to resist" - it is squelching the aspirations and the movement. They're just using a different tool than was used in Bahrain et al.

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